Bangladesh democracy program (BDP) assessment

The program places primary emphasis on strengthening the central institutions of parliamentary democracy at the national level. Selecting this priority results from an examination of the historical background of recent political events, the nature of the major political actors in the current political scene, and the performance of the present regime. Bangladesh has had very limited experience of effective democratic rule. Colonial bureaucratic and military institutions have persisted into the post-colonial period with little change. Since the founding of Pakistan, the middle classes of what is now Bangladesh have regarded the inherited parliamentary system as the only legitimate form of government, even though they have not been given the opportunity to live under democratic systems for any significant period of time. Even after achieving independence from Pakistan, the elected government ruled democratically for no more than a short period before it too began denying democratic rights. Subsequent coups and counter-coups produced a semidemocratic period of military rule; the assassination of the military president in 1981 led to yet another period of military rule. But during these periods political party activity continued, and elections were held, albeit not free and fair. After another groundswell of protest, the Ershad regime was finally overthrown in 1990 and another opening for democracy was created. The gulf between the people as a whole and the politically significant population remains very deep even under the new democracy. Numerically, perhaps 80% of Bangladeshis live in rural areas, the vast majority of them at or just above subsistence levels. However, the politically decisive part of the population lives in urban areas. In these areas, only those of the middle and upper classes take an active part in initiating political change or in sustaining regimes once in power. Comparatively well-organized urban lower middle class government employees, workers, and students also play an important political role, but their role is essentially confined to expressing dissent, often in support for other middle class actors. The primary contenders for political power are the triad of government, bureaucracy, and the military, groups whose upper levels are all recruited from the middle classes. When the democratic system is operating, the elected government is theoretically dominant. This government depends in turn on the operation of the cabinet, the parliament, and in particular its own majority party. Changing electoral fortunes continually alter the composition of the government. The bureaucracy, on the other hand, has had a continuous existence under all regimes. In the absence of strong and decisive action by either of the other primary contenders, it is in de facto control. Unlike the situation in the rest of the subcontinent, the Bangladesh military has come to power less frequently as a corporate institution than through the actions of particular factions. Analysis of the operation of the present political system demonstrates several weaknesses. The political parties, the government, and the bureaucracy seem unable to work together effectively to address common problems. These problems, the past record of political instability, and the still incomplete acceptance of democracy as the only solution for the country"s problems suggest that the democratic institutions of 1992 are a fragile growth that will need to be nurtured if they are to survive. Assessing these operational problems at the heart of the national political system is vital. The major addressable problem is the inexperience of people within the government, legislature, and bureaucracy as they try to operate within the new environment. Suggested actions fall under two levels of priority. First priority concerns include all those actions that will directly contribute to strengthening major national institutions. Chief among these should be efforts to provide training and orientation to legislators and members of government, and to improve the policymaking capability of both government and opposition. Second priority actions are those that would address other deficiencies that have an impact on democratic performance. These include maintaining the integrity of elections, strengthening accountability mechanisms, protecting human rights, and developing a more informed and active citizenry. (Author abstract)