Gender and Violent Extremism: Literature Review

The terms radicalization, violent extremism, and terrorism are often used interchangeably in the media, but there are some differences. According to Frazer and Nunlist (2015), the challenge lies in the fact that there are no internationally accepted definitions for either "terrorism" or "violent extremism." Critics view the two terms as synonymous, with "violent extremism" being a cosmetic replacement for the highly politicized term "terrorism." However, some argue that "violent extremism" refers to something different than terrorism, with the distinction being that terrorism involves violence aimed at spreading fear and terror. USAID defines violent extremism as "advocating, engaging in, preparing, or otherwise supporting ideologically motivated or justified violence to further social, economic, or political objectives." The U.S. Department of State's Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) program addresses the entire life cycle of radicalization to violent extremism. Violent extremism can be defined as when radicalized individuals begin using violence and engage in unlawful activities, including terror, to attain their social, political, and economic targets. The literature highlights the importance of understanding the role of women in violent extremism. Women's participation in violent extremist organizations (VEOs) has evolved over time, from auxiliary roles to direct engagement in violent acts, including suicide bombings. Women are considered an "ideal stealth weapon" for terrorist groups due to their ability to blend in and avoid suspicion. According to research by Ladbury (2015), women with an ethno-nationalist cause are more likely to be active combatants. In many parts of the world, including the Middle East and North Africa, women are used as suicide bombers, propagandists, recruiters, and mobilizers. The drivers of women's participation in VEOs are diverse and nuanced. Many analysts tend to believe that women are coerced or victims of men, rather than considering alternative explanations. However, research suggests that women have similar grievances to men, such as feeling oppressed, powerless, frustrated, and marginalized, and a perceived lack of options. The relationship factor is also a significant predictor of women's engagement in terrorist activity, with known relationships with individuals or groups playing a crucial role. Bloom's (2011) "Four R plus One" framework explains why women become terrorists, in relation to the following factors: Revenge, Redemption, Relationships, Respect, plus Rape. These factors may comprise the death of a relative, relatives being involved with jihad, deference for female martyrs in patriarchal societies, need to avenge a personal or familial shame, and sexual exploitation by jihadis. Jakup and Kelmendi (2017) highlight the following set of push and pull factors that drive women to join VEOs: ideology, socio-economic reasons, personal motives, and appealing recruitment tactics. The drivers for women's participation in VEOs are similar to men's, but there are a few gender-specific differences. Male recruits tend to be motivated by violence more than female recruits, who are more apt to be motivated by what they perceive as adventure and a sense of romanticism around participation in VEOs. Women who experience gender subordination or exclusion may be pushed to join, especially those driven by a desire for social and political agency.